Question of the Day
I'm teaching a couple of sessions in the MGSI this week and next and received a question for which I didn't know the answer:
My answer was "forever" but then I had to admit I wasn't sure. Any help out there?
I'm teaching a couple of sessions in the MGSI this week and next and received a question for which I didn't know the answer:
My answer was "forever" but then I had to admit I wasn't sure. Any help out there?
Ohio passed a stimulus mile marker Friday when it received word that transportation projects totaling more than $336 million had been approved by the Federal Highway Administration.
The state had to have received approval for $327.5 million in funds for road and bridge projects -- half its allocation -- by June 29 or forfeit the difference.
Now, Ohio is eligible to pick up money from states that miss the deadline, said Scott Varner, an assistant director at the Ohio Department of Transportation.
"We've heard that most states are meeting it," he said. "But if just one misses it and leaves $49 million on the table, Ohio has a chance at $1 million. That's a million more we could put to use today."
And if 23 states miss the deadline and leave $1,321 million on the table, Ohio has a chance at ... um ... well ... more.
From the Center for American Progress:
Dividing $150 billion by 1.7 million gives a green jobs cost estimate of $88,235 per job. Frankly, I'd rather see the benefits of $150 billion in clean energy measured as the value of environmental improvement. If we focus on the macroeconomic effects of government subsidized and mandated clean energy then green jobs are costs to society, not benefits, as they represent a more expensive way of producing goods and services. The benefits of subsidies and mandates should be measured as the value of the (1) improved health, recreation and ecological benefits and (2) climate change mitigation benefits of clean energy.
Hat tip: Green Inc.
In my basic econ classes I usually use minimum wages as an example of bad government policy. I tell the class that a binding price floor in the labor market will create a surplus of workers (unemployment). I go on to explain that the situation is worse than that, because the likely victims of this unemployment are those for whom the minimum wage is binding--low-skilled and teen workers. In other words, minimum wages cause unemployment among those they are intended to help.
But any good economist knows that there is plenty of evidence to contradict this. As a reader asked in a past discussion we had on minimum wages:
...are you all essentially ignoring all of the work by David Card that suggests that in many cases minimum wage increases do not have large employment effects?
My gut reaction was always, well, yes, because price floors have to cause surpluses. It's just intuitive and it seems that the evidence is just hiding. Well, it's hiding no longer. Respected labor economist David Neumark, in today's Wall Street Journal, writes:
Despite a few exceptions that are tirelessly (and selectively) cited by advocates of a higher minimum wage, the bulk of the evidence -- from scores of studies, using data mainly from the U.S. but also from many other countries -- clearly shows that minimum wages reduceemployment of young, low-skilled people. The best estimates from studies since the early 1990s suggest that the 11% minimum wage increase scheduled for this summer will lead to the loss of an additional 300,000 jobs among teens and young adults. This is on top of the continuing job losses the recession is likely to throw our way.
Yep, I knew it all along.
An official ruling won't come for a couple of years, but the recession likely ended this spring, A UNC Charlotte economist said today.
Even so, North Carolina's economic recovery will be slow, with unemployment remaining in double digits the rest of this year, said John Connaughton, author of the quarterly UNC Charlotte economic forecast.
Source: http://www.charlotteobserver.com/business/story/758976.html
His Texas NPR Debut ...:
A fundamental issue in public policy is whether there exist any "double dividends" where through one policy you can achieve two distinct goals. Through encouraging a public push for "green jobs" can we significantly increase energy efficiency and reduce urban minority unemployment? I hope this is the case but there are still a few open questions. I will be discussing some of these tomorrow on My Texas NPR Radio Tomorrow at 11am PST .
While economists have been typically pessimistic about the cost-effectiveness of job training programs, an optimistic Obama worldview is that under-employed adults can be trained in construction so that they can be part of a domestic green army who will retrofit our energy inefficient buildings and homes and can install the millions of new solar panels and wind turbines that will soon generate our power in a carbon regulated economy.
I like this vision but I wonder if it is right. In my preferred vision, private sector firms will be incentivized by carbon pricing to take a second look at whether they are consuming too much energy. My concern is that the Obama Team will justify a large public sector employment growth in the name of increasing energy efficiency.
What is the optimal size of the public employment sector? This paper has informed my thinking.
From Environmental Capital:
By the way, my position is still that it makes little sense to talk about "jobs" when debating environmental policy. In short: jobs are the wrong metric.
From the Courier-Journal (Churchill seeks ...):
My analysis? A fall in income leads to less betting on horses, lower profits and lower purses.
I'm being furloughed (Furloughs ordered ...):
In addition, a nice little wind farm study might be shut down.
... it is sports stadium jobs too. We've spent a lot of time trying to argue that government subsidies that push green jobs will likely lead to employment losses elsewhere in the economy, leading to no net effect. Here is Market Power telling the no net effect story from a different angle:
You might also try Market Power's recipe for chicken soup.
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